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 > Postwar Institutional
Development in Lebanon: an Assessment for Foreign
Assistance, 1992
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Executive Summary
The goals of the study were:
- to evaluate the current and future dynamics of the political
and institutional system;
- to evaluate the prospects for broad-based and sustainable
economic development;
- to review the conditions of democracy and representative
institutions;
- to examine the conditions of the judicial branch;
- to study the public administration and its problems; and
- to review the role and effectiveness of the media with the
view of recommending specific projects that would strengthen
democratic institutions and enhance economic development.
The main findings of the study were the following:
Polity
The Taif Agreement has provided a
basis for the resumption of constitutional life in Lebanon. In 1991,
the main militias were disarmed, the Army deployed over 1/3 of
Lebanese territory, and new Deputies were appointed to Parliament to
render Christian/Muslim representation equal. These were steps
toward increased stability. However, several problems remain.
- The government lacks strong internal cohesion;
- The state's security and administrative organs are still
dangerously weak;
- The absence of elections for 20 years has widened the gap
between rules and ruled contributing to low levels of popular
legitimacy and political control;
- The polity is still deeply divided along confessional lines;
- The former militia leaders are in positions of power and
could resume their previous functions if the state stumbles; and
- Foreign influence within the country is
still very high.
Economy
The rate of GNP growth for 1991 was a healthy
15-20%, but most of this was due to the normal resumption of
economic activity after a long war and particularly after two
years of continuous battles (1989-90). The rate of growth for 1992
is expected to be considerably lower. The economy, with an
estimated GNP of $3.5 billion, is still heavily weighted toward
the tertiary service sector, with industry and agriculture lagging
in distant second and third places. Remittances from abroad
make up a significant portion of the GNP. Inflation and
unemployment are both at around 40%, with underemployment still
higher. The Lebanese Pound held its value to the US Dollar
throughout 1991 but is likely to drop in value as the government
continues to run massive budget deficits.
The main problems facing the private sector are the following:
- A poor infrastructure of electricity,
roads, and communications; this introduces obstacles and costs to
the efficient operation of industrial, commercial, and
agricultural enterprises. This infrastructure was ravaged by the
war, and the government has secured only a modest amount of
foreign aid to begin repairing it. The government itself has not
enough funds to undertake the repairs on its own, and the process
is estimated to take 3-5 years depending on foreign assistance.
- Low compatibility between skills needed
and skills available in the work force; despite a relatively
educated work force, there is much greater demand than supply of
specific skills needed in the primary, secondary, and tertiary
sectors.
- Low confidence in the stability of the current political
order; many private investors inside and outside the country are
still sceptical about the strength and cohesion of the state and
about the stability of the country's regional environment. The
government is plagued by internal in-fighting and external
opposition, large-scale corruption, low popular legitimacy, and
massive debts and deficits. With regard to the region, there are
fears that a failure of Arab-Israeli peace talks and renewed
friction between Israel and Syria could destabilize Lebanon's
alliance with Syria. These fears discourage large private
investment.
Public Administration The public administration suffers from a number
of problems. These include the following:
- Destruction or theft of material resources during the war
- Drain of qualified personnel to the private sector or abroad
- Decline in replacement investment since 1975
- Increased meddling of political and militia leaders in
administrative structure and affairs
- Very low wages since 1985
- Over 50% understaffing in mid- and top-level management
posts and overstaffing in low-level offices
- Widespread absenteeism
- Widespread corruption
- Outdated management practices
- Priority of confessional over merit criteria in appointments
and promotions
- Chronic budget deficits with accumulating national debt
- Usurpation of government prerogatives and functions by
militia and foreign armies during the war
The areas where assistance for public administration should be
focused are
- The Civil Service Council and the National Institute for
Public Administration; the CSC supervises the appointment and
promotion of civil servants while NIPA provides initial and
mid-career education and training. Both are seriously
understaffed, under-trained, and under-equipped.
- The Central Inspection Commission; the CIC was set up in
1959 to trace and fight corruption. It has a current staff of
17, housed in two small rooms, with no computer equipment and
few material resources. It plays a central role in the
administration and should be more amply housed, staffed,
trained, and equipped.
- Additional training programs for key mid- and top-level
managers could be offered inside the country or abroad.
Representative Institutions The main categories of representative
institutions are Parliament, Municipal Councils, political parties,
syndicates, and private associations and advocacy groups. While
political parties, syndicates, and advocacy groups have, in some
cases, grown in influence, the first two types of institutions have
grown gradually weaker with the absence of parliamentary or
municipal elections. With the last elections held in 1972, the
majority of today's population has not participated in elections of
any kind. Government officials have discussed the possibility of
holding elections in 1992 or 1993, but this seems highly unlikely.
The paralysis of the electoral process has widened the gulf between
ruler and ruled and contributed to low levels of political consent
and high levels of destabilizing radical opposition.
Nevertheless, Parliament still represents a large cross-section
of Lebanese society and plays an important supervisory role with
regard to the executive branch. As an institution, it is vastly
understaffed and under-equipped. Deputies operate on an individual
ad hoc basis, without the benefit of staff assistance, documents,
or computerized data bases. The institution could make good use of
training for new staff and modern office and computer equipment.
At the other
end of the spectrum are a number of small associations and advocacy
groups. These include environmental, human rights, women's, and
handicapped rights groups who are in continuous need of training,
equipment, and encouragement. They represent the first building
blocs of a civic society on which any stable future for Lebanon
would partially have to be built.
The Judicial Branch Because of the presence of
several strong law schools in the country - most notably, St.
Joseph University - and the continued importance of real estate
and inheritance litigation during the war, the judicial branch of
government has fared better than other branches. The quality of
judges is fairly high and corruption is relatively low. Because of
the absence of growth during the war and the depletion of part of
the judiciary's physical and human resources, the congestion of
cases in the court system has become a serious
problem.
More importantly, however, the judicial branch
suffers from insecurity vis-a-vis political and militia leaders.
This renders the judicial branch unable to perform its full
function as a third autonomous branch of government. In crucial
test cases, the judiciary has to back down in the face of
executive pressure.
The main areas of assistance should include
training programs for key judges domestically or abroad and support
for the computerization of legal data and the building up of the
central law library.
The Media Print media have a well-established history
in Lebanon dating back to the turn of the century. The
audio-visual media are more recent, but new radio and television
stations mushroomed dramatically during the war. Whereas before
the war there were only 2 television stations and 1 radio station,
there are now over 40 television stations and 185 radio stations.
Most of these new stations are backed by particular militia or
political groups. The media enjoy a wide margin of freedom in
Lebanon, but there have been questions recently about the future
of press freedom in Lebanon. Most media outlets exercise
self-censorship on several sensitive topics; nevertheless, they
maintain energetic critical campaigns against government policies
and practices with which they disagree. In that sense, they
perform some of the functions of a Fourth Estate. Among the problems of the media are the
following:
- overbearing militia or political influences,
- a general atmosphere of insecurity, and hence fear to
publish freely,
- chronic budgetary problems which invite foreign financing
and influence; and
- a weak tradition of investigative
reporting.
Assistance to the media should be in the
form of training and support for investigative reporting and
support and encouragement for the various unions and syndicates of
the media which serve to protect the rights and liberties of
publishers and broadcasters.
Conclusion Of all
the sectors surveyed, the public administration is in most urgent
need of help and is a key sector in bringing the country back to
normalcy. The judiciary and the media are faring reasonably well,
and the representative institutions cannot be effectively revived
without holding elections. The public administration, however,
contains the central nervous system of the state and can be affected
positively through non-political aid programs. This would include
providing training and equipment for key departments and offices
within the administration. Aid to the public administration,
however, does not preclude aid to other sectors.
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